08 - September - 2011 | 0
Issue 25/ September-December 2011
By Glen Ruffle
Few would have thought in 1969, that an ardent worshipper of Egypt’s anti-imperial pan-Arabist leader, President Gamal Nasser, who led a coup and gained power in Libya, would only in August 2011 finally lose control. This week, after 42 years, his regime finally crumbled.
Muammar Gaddafi passionately chased after pan-Arabic unity, but few others shared his vision after Nasser died. Egypt’s next leader, Sadat, rejected Gaddafi, even subjecting him to a military defeat in 1977, and Sudan had a complex political situation at home to deal with without Gaddafi’s dreams.
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04 - May - 2011 | 0
Issue 24/May-August 2011
By Erica L. Green
A transition of power has finally taken place in Côte d’Ivoire, but many are uncertain if there will be peace. For the last four months, there has been a tense standoff between outgoing President Gbagbo, and President-elect Ouattara. However, several weeks ago, Gbagbo’s rein was brought to an abrupt end by his arrest, giving Ouattara full sovereignty over the country.
Gbagbo’s reaction to the election loss took many by surprise. Previously, to some he was viewed as a role model that brought peace and economic stability to the country. Up until now, Côte d’Ivoire was considered one of the most stable and prosperous countries in Africa. Reflecting on Gbagbo’s time in office, some wonder if his down fall was the self perception of a man too successful to step down. On the other hand, others argue he should have stepped down a long time ago.
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28 - January - 2011 | 1
Issue 23/January-March 2011
Abdulkadir Suleiman
Middle East and North Africa, or MENA, is facing an unprecedented challenge after the Tunisian uprising sent warning messages across and beyond the region. Unemployment, rising food prices, lack of freedom of speech, lack of accountability and transparency are widespread in this region, but on December, 2010, a 26-year old Tunisian youth, Mohamed Bouazizi had ignited the candle to disclose the cause of these problems.
Bouazizi has opened a new page for the history of Arab world after he continuously tackled to improve his family’s situation in the face of heavy police crackdowns. The Tunisian police as usual treat their citizens in a tyrannical way and a lot of young Tunisians as a consequence have been compelled to be unemployed and therefore are frustrated. That frustration ultimately led Bouazizi to set fire on himself in front of Municipal Office just struggling for his dignity and to get a solution for youths’ exasperation in Tunisia.
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10 - December - 2010 | 0
Issue 22/October- December 2010
By Erica L. Green
As more Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) warlords are convicted of crimes against humanity, the region is beginning to experience something it has long missed - economic stability. The relationship between sexual terrorism and the mineral trade may be initially enigmatic; however, increasing reports suggest that sex crime convictions are now pulling the reigns on the multi-million dollar mineral smuggling industry [1].
The mineral issue spans multiple borders and affects the way of life for many. Neighboring countries such as Uganda, Rwanda [2], and Burundi all report a mineral industry despite minimal deposits in their respective states. The DRC government is also known to trade minerals for weapons with countries like China; however, since most factions such as the government and warlords work independently, many of the transactions go unreported. Margot Wallstrom, UN Representative on Sexual Violence, notes a surprising link between the region mineral exploitation and sexual terrorism. The act of rape affects the entire community and not just the woman. It is a way to intimidate people in mineral rich areas to make sure such activities stay unreported [1]. This silence benefits companies who wish to avoid price regulation of an Extractive Industries Transparency Disclosure Act.
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14 - October - 2010 | 0
Issue 22/October-December 2010
By Niruban Balachandran
“The most dangerous place on Earth.” “The world’s biggest no-go zone.” “Failed state.” “Permanent disaster area.” These are terms often used by foreign policy experts and journalists to describe Somalia, a country on the Horn of Africa infamous for almost two decades of excruciating poverty, a civil war, a barely-functioning capital airport, pervasive government corruption and factionalism, piracy off its coasts, a famished population and a frequent victim of natural disasters.
At the center of Somalia’s multitude of problems lies a weak national government (called the Transitional Federal Government, or TFG) that has been hanging on for dear life for years, constantly under siege by an armed militant Islamist group, called The Shabab, which wants to govern the country. Bristling with IEDs, small arms and a penchant for suicide terrorism, the Shabab (which translates to “the youth” in Arabic) is one of the most violent and ambitious militant groups in Africa. Although there are other militant groups jockeying for power in Somalia, the Shabab is officially backed by al-Qaeda, and is the only group in the country designated by multiple international governments as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. Its stated goals are to overthrow the Somali government, enact strict Islamic “sharia” law throughout the country and use its territory as a launch pad for regional attacks.
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21 - July - 2010 | 0
Issue 21/July-September 2010
By Frank Vollmer
Mozambique is a country that is riddled with poverty. It is placed on the UN’s list of the 50 Least Developed Countries, and accommodates 0.61% of the world’s population living below the global poverty line of US$1 a day. It continues to have one of the lowest GDP per capita in the world, and shows dramatic limitations in crafting human development (with 900 US$ in 2009, Mozambique is ranked 218/228 countries worldwide in GDP per capita terms, and 172/182 on the 2009 Human Development Index). On the other hand is it a country that has been hailed by the World Bank for its vehement reduction in poverty levels: “poverty declined rapidly in Mozambique over the 96/97-02/03 period” one report stated (Fox et.al, 2005).
How is this possible? This article sets out to meaningfully critique the way poverty is measured in Mozambique, by analysing the measurements usefulness against the capabilities framework of Amartya Sen, which is the philosophical base of the country’s poverty definition used in the government’s PRSP. Considering the influence measurement techniques have gained on directing policies, and to judge progress made on reducing levels of absolute poverty, it concludes with a call to replace the current unidimensional poverty measure with a multidimensional measurement application, one that shall allow the better crafting of policy responses to fight poverty defined as “capabilities deprivation”.
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20 - April - 2010 | 1
Issue 20/April-June 2010
By A.B.
On March 27, after an Arab League summit in Sirt, Libya, the Spanish government, acting as rotating President of the European Union (EU), issued a formal statement in which it apologized with Libya and its leader Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi for the inclusion-at the request of Swiss authorities-of 188 Libyan citizens in the blacklist of personae non gratae in the Schengen Area, a borderless travel zone of 22 EU countries plus Norway and Iceland, of which Switzerland is a member since December 2008. All the individuals were also promptly removed from the list.
This was only the last of the many points scored by the Libyan leader since the beginning in July 2008 of a dispute between the Gaddafi’s Jamahiriya and Switzerland. The controversy was triggered by the arrest in Geneva of the Colonel’s 29-year-old son Hannibal and his wife for allegedly maltreating their domestic staff. Libya responded with immediate retaliation, including a cut-off of oil supplies, a drastic reduction of commercial flights and the closure of Libyan branches of several Swiss companies. Also, two Swiss businessmen were arrested (or taken hostage, according to the Swiss authorities) for supposed visa irregularities. Further, Gaddafi inflicted Switzerland several public humiliations, ranging from his repeated claims for the country’s partition among Germany, France and Italy to last February’s declaration of jihad against the Swiss. In August 2009, Gaddafi also expressed his desire to “wipe Switzerland off the map”, if he owned nuclear weapons.
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30 - November - 2009 | 0
Issue 17/October-November 2009
By Erica L. Green
Newly elected Somalia President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed has a tall order on his hands as he tries to stabilize a country that has seen economic and social unrest for the last 20 years. On his first United States visit to Chicago last month, he faced a receptive but anxious crowd eager to hear answers to Somalia’s increasing indiscretion towards the industrialized world - piracy.
Ahmed staged a grand balcony entrance with an entourage of multinational dignitaries, and then proceeded to address questions about stabilization in northeast Africa. The audience, arranged by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, was predominantly students, Somalia nationals, and local dignitaries. Ahmed’s speech began with a brief overview of Somalia’s turbulent past.
The geographic state of Somalia as we know it today is quite different from what it was not too long ago. Over the past 50 years several colonies have gained independence from Britain and Italy to unite as one socialist state [6]. General Siyad Barreh assumed and held power for the majority of that time until he was overthrown in 1991 [6], and the country has not known stability since [2]. Instead, it has been run by warlords who have failed to find a replacement leader [2].
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30 - September - 2009 | 0
Issue 16/August-September 2009
By Erica L. Green
While the World Health Organization braces the world for the latest H1N1 swine flu outbreak, countries like Uganda are still battling an epidemic they have been fighting for centuries, malaria. This can be a very preventable disease through the use of mosquito nets and prophylactics. However, due to economic conditions, many rural Ugandan couples are swapping their mosquito netting for lacey wedding coutour.
In recent years, many Ugandans are straying away from traditional means of matrimony to adopt those more in line with Christian beliefs [5]. This usually involves a church, a ceremony with family, a pastor, and costly formal attire. The BBC notes that the groom usually has little difficulty unearthing a suit jacket and tie in the sultry Sub-Sahara, but the bride faces more complex challenges. In rural regions, white fabric is often impractical and could be expensive due to the rareness. So to meet the requirements of a white wedding, many creative brides-to-be have turned to their mosquito bed netting [5]. They simply bring their net to the local tailor down the road and in return they get a breath-taking ensemble that seriously rivals Dolce & Gabbana -and for a mere 3.30 Euros ($5 USD). Top that Vera Wang. The Ugandan Ministry of Health, however, cringes at this practice. It not only exposes the women to insecticides, but leaves them netless after the nuptials.
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18 - June - 2009 | 0
Issue 15/June-July 2009
by Erica L. Green
For over a decade, UN troops have been fighting to maintain peace in the volatile Democratic Republic of the Congo in Central Africa. Since an influx of refugees and from a neighboring country and several wars in 1996 and 1998, the government and relations on the eastern border of the Congo have been unsteady. The conflict in this region has gone largely undetected by the rest of the world, yet has surmounted a substantial number of casualties. A 60 Minute report aired in August of 2008 noted that the regional death toll has already reached five million. These numbers surpass the casualties of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Darfur combined (1). Human rights advocates note that even though much of the struggle is over the acquisition and selling of Congolese natural resources, one common foe has become women.
Sexual violence within the context of war is not a new phenomenon. Traditionally rape has been a form of diversion for bored troops. The difference with rape in the Congo, according to Anneka Van Woudenberg, Human Rights Watch spokesperson, is the high incidence and brutality. Within the past 10 years the number of rapes incidents are estimated in the thousands (1) and is increasing. In the first quarter of 2009 alone the Congolese authorities have registered a staggering 493 new rape cases (2). However, many estimate the actual number to be much higher because many occurrences go unreported.
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