21 - July - 2010 | 0
Issue 21/July-September 2010
By Frank Vollmer
Mozambique is a country that is riddled with poverty. It is placed on the UN’s list of the 50 Least Developed Countries, and accommodates 0.61% of the world’s population living below the global poverty line of US$1 a day. It continues to have one of the lowest GDP per capita in the world, and shows dramatic limitations in crafting human development (with 900 US$ in 2009, Mozambique is ranked 218/228 countries worldwide in GDP per capita terms, and 172/182 on the 2009 Human Development Index). On the other hand is it a country that has been hailed by the World Bank for its vehement reduction in poverty levels: “poverty declined rapidly in Mozambique over the 96/97-02/03 period” one report stated (Fox et.al, 2005).
How is this possible? This article sets out to meaningfully critique the way poverty is measured in Mozambique, by analysing the measurements usefulness against the capabilities framework of Amartya Sen, which is the philosophical base of the country’s poverty definition used in the government’s PRSP. Considering the influence measurement techniques have gained on directing policies, and to judge progress made on reducing levels of absolute poverty, it concludes with a call to replace the current unidimensional poverty measure with a multidimensional measurement application, one that shall allow the better crafting of policy responses to fight poverty defined as “capabilities deprivation”.
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08 - July - 2010 | 0
By Guy Burton
Issue 21/July - September 2010
The past decade has seen a push towards separation and unilateralism on both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Following a decade of engagement under the Oslo process, the shift occurred after the outbreak of the second Intifada. It was a shift initially led by the Israelis under the premiership of Ariel Sharon (2001-06), during which construction of the Separation Wall began and an evacuation of Jewish settlements in Gaza took place.
The Palestinians’ drive for separation is more recent: August 2010 will mark the first anniversary of that official position, based on Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s programme for government. If fulfilled the plan, “Palestine: Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State”, will see a unilateral declaration of independence by the Palestinians by the end of next year. This marks a significant change from previous model to achieve Palestinian self-government through the Oslo process, which included Israeli involvement.
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21 - June - 2010 | 0
Issue 20/April-June 2010
By Niruban Balachandran
The Transformed International Security Environment
“With the Soviet Union receding in memory, it is a wonder that NATO still exists,” wrote former National Security Council Director Mark Medish on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s 60th anniversary celebrations last year. “After the fall of the Soviet bloc many voices called for disbanding NATO. That was not an outrageous idea.”
Founded in 1949 to counter expansionism by the Soviet Union, NATO is the world’s most powerful military alliance. Under the North Atlantic Treaty’s Article 5, the security of all current 28 European and North American NATO member states (known as “Allies”) is regarded as “indivisible”: an attack on one is an attack on all. The first NATO Secretary General, Lord Ismay, pithily stated the Alliance’s purpose was “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down.”
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18 - June - 2010 | 0
Issue 20/April-June 2010
By Guy Burton
If economic development under the Lula administration can be likened to a football match, it may be seen as a case of two distinct halves - and which may be heading for extra time. That it does so will be regardless of whoever follows him in the presidency, whether it remains in the hands of his Workers Party (PT) or the opposition.
Lula’s successor will undoubtedly use the same strategy, the primary focus of which has been inflation control and which enabled him to introduce two key state-led programs in each half of his presidency: redistribution through the ‘family grant’ (bolsa familia) system in his first term and a package of infrastructure investment through the Accelerated Growth Program (PAC) during his second.
The government’s economic and social actions are credited with not only raising Brazil’s global status alongside that of other developing BRIC economies and G20, but also in helping insulate Brazil’s economy and society from the worst effects of the 2008 financial crisis. Lula will leave office at the end of 2010 with Brazil in a strong position, but much of that achievement may also be attributable to his commitment to maintain the economic policy of his predecessor.
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15 - June - 2010 | 2
Issue 20/April -June 2010
By Javier Delgado
Thailand has been severely hit by a deeply-rooted and now overly exposed social clash. The Red-Shirt demands, the camps’ raising factionalism, and the hidden agendas across the divide could be tracked down into the divisive figure of Thaksin Shinawatra.
His rise in 2001 to the premiership polarised Thailand’s society in a way unseen since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. By launching an ambitious range of pro-poor policies, Thaksin gained the unconditional support of north Thailand’s rural and working classes. This popularity posed an outright threat to the elites’ grip on the country affairs, what triggered a succession of questionable manoeuvres engineered to kick Thaksin out.
While in office, Thaksin also used his position to boost his numerous businesses, expanding an already vast fortune in a corrupt race that was eventually picked up by the army to oust him.
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20 - May - 2010 | 0
By Niruban Balachandran
Photo: Global Affairs
China
30 - June - 2009 | 0
By Rafael Nespereira
Tehran, Iran
05 - June - 2009 | 2
Enrico Labriola
The struggle between the two visions for the future of Iran is in the toughest days. The 12th June elections mobilized the main parties and the public debate sustaining the two main opponents, with different programs and different views about the future of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is driving a campaign based on populist slogans (the same that have given him the victory) and hoping for a low turnout that could mean that ’silent voters’ that are bored and unsatisfied with the political class have not cast their vote. The aim of the opponent’s supporters is to build a grassroots movement that could bring the reformist former Prime Minister of Iran Mir-Hossein Mousavi to the Presidential victory. Speaking with some sources involved in the campaign, I have understood some key facts about this election.
Firstly, Iran is in a peculiar situation, and, differently from the others, this time all eyes are looking at the moves of citizens of Iran. And citizens know that this election could be decisive for the future of the Republic. On the other hand, the situation is very unclear and enthusiasm and fear are mixed in a complicate emotional moment. Mohammad speaks frankly about the new way of campaigning of the reformists: building a flat movement and campaigning on Internet and with widespread events and mobilization. It reminds me in a way the new wave calling for change driven by Barack Obama. Of course, Mousavi and Obama couldn’t be more different, but the exciting movement has many things in common. New key-words, a big involvement of common people, a charismatic figure and the distrust in traditional politics, mixed with a urgent need of change perceived my many.
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24 - May - 2009 | 0
15/04/09
Luis Guillermo Colín Villavicencio
On 25th and 26th March the USA Secretary of State Hilary Clinton visited Mexico. It was an official visit, the first one since she was appointed by President Barack Obama and it is in the context of a serial of visits being done since February to European and Asian countries.
Overall, the assessment of such visit is positive due to four aspects, however, there is a negative aspect related to the potential appointment of the North American diplomat Carlos Pascual as representative of such country in Mexico.
First of all, the meeting of Clinton with the President Calderon is framed in a high diplomatic level dialogue that has been initiated in February when President Calderon visited the still elected President Barack Obama. The participation of Foreign Secretary Espinosa in the meeting could have established a new personal relation between both. This will allow going forward in the definition and enforcement of the Binational Agenda Mexico-USA.
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15 - May - 2009 | 0
By Andrea Bonzanni and Jacobo Mato
Dubai, UAE
15/05/09
