Globalaffairs

Issue 12/December-January 2009
By Aurora Moreno Alcojor

Once again, the Democratic Republic of Congo is threatened by war, after years of confrontations against rebellious forces, foreign troops and governmental charges. When it seemed that they have attained a peace attempt definitely, after the first free and democratic elections celebrated in the country in 2006, the refugees horror, destroyed villages and a bloody fight in each millimetre of earth has come back to disturb the limited peace which the Congolese inhabitants were enjoying.

The history keeps repeating over and over again in Congo, a country which drags a truculent past full of violence since the Belgian brutal colonization in 1912, under the yoke of Mobutu Sese Seko, one of the most violent and oldest dictators of Africa. The geographical situation of Congo, together with his widely and covetously natural resources and a succession of corrupt dictators, has never helped to improve the situation.

Congo borders nine unstable countries: Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Congo-Brazzaville and the Centre African Republic. One more time, Congo is first page of newspapers and magazines after the armed revolt led by the General Laurent Nkunda. The movement, which was planned for several years, is sinking his roots in the events of the neighbouring Rwanda, in 1994. Between May and June 2004 the main attacks took place in the province of North Kivu. Extremists Hutus put an end to lives of approximately 80.000 Tutsis and Hutus who were stroked with knifes several weeks after. This event became the biggest genocide of recent history. When peace was settled in Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) (movement formed by Tutsis) of Paul Kagame came to power, problems moved to Congo.

Nkunda, native to North Kivu, gave up his psychology studies for joining the RPF (1) four years before. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was called in that moment Zaire and was ruled still by the bloodthirsty Mobutu Sese Seko, who apart from imposing a rule of corruption widely all over the country, did not respect Tutsi minority. When confrontations finished in Rwanda, Mobutu did not hesitate to welcome people liable to the genocide, and allowed them to operate from there with all impunity, making incursions into Rwanda and attacking Congolese Tutsis. It is estimated that approximately 80.000 extremists Hutus could have taken refuge in the border area, especially in North Kivu.

Mobutu will finish paying for it dearly, as RPF, once settled in Ruanda, motivated the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (ADFCL), an invading force mainly made up of Tutsis which relies on Angola’s support and Kigali. In few months, the guerrilla had achieved the demolition of Mobutu, in the power since 1965. The situation of Congo was so paltry that invader troops scarcely found resistance, in a country where most soldiers, unpaid and famish, refused to defend the rule of Mobutu. It was 1997 and the country was literally in ruins.

Then, the power was in charge of Laurent Kabila, leader of the invading force, who was acclaimed as saviour by most Congolese inhabitants. However, he was not better than Mobutu. He was as cruel and corrupt as Mobutu, he did not show any intelligence. Despite he had counted on the decisive support of Rwanda for bringing Mobutu down, he had never operated against genocide executors in 1994. He felt out with Kigali due to this behaviour but he had the support of Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe and he felt free for acting as he pleased.

The 1st August 1998, soon after Kabila came to power, began the so called Congo’s Great War. Many people have called this war “African World War”, because of the doubtful honour of being the struggle which left more deaths after the Second World War. The conflict history keeps on being too confused today, with six national armies (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and the DRC) and tens of rebel groups fighting, most of them without knowing surely for whom or what, using muddle for looting the country and its natural resources.

Likewise it is not known how many people died in that war exactly. According to a published study by the International Rescue Committee in December 2004, approximately 3.8 million people could have passed away (calculation was made comparing the existing mortality rate before, during and after the war) between August 1998 and April 2004. Most deaths were due to hunger and diseases more than bullets or direct confrontation.

In January 2001, amid the chaos, Laurent Kabila ended up being killed by one of his bodyguards. Then, Joseph Kabila, his son, came to power as if it would be a new kingdom, and accepted to sign a peace agreement in South Africa pressed by Western powers, in 2002. Showing more intelligence than his predecessor, he yielded to Great power conditions and welcomed his former enemies in a transition government, which was real in June 2003. Two of his vice-chairmen were former rebels, and most of the armed factions obtained ministry. Although it would be provisional, it was the only way of peace. At least, all parts seemed to be pleased and everyone wanted to be showed up in the photo. Some promised fair governance and others agreed funds and soldiers for a peace force.

Obviously, it was not the best solution because it meant to turn the guerrilla fighters into Government members and start working with irreconcilable enemies all together. However, it was the only option and it was made in that way: once the peace agreement was signed, general elections would come for choosing a new Executive.

The matter was more difficult as expected: it did not exist an electoral register at least a trustworthy one (population had not been registered since 1984). It was and is a country without democratic experience, without a group of civil servants and almost without roads and political will of democracy proved to be inexistent. Arranging elections was a great political decision and a large deal of international help. The reality was the Government was comfortably settled, without intention of being responsible for citizens in popular vote and international attention was already focused on other places.

Despite this, the Independent Electoral Commission, mainly made up by native Congolese people, was able to carry her mission out and arrange a free election. Also the Commission was supported by the International Community to a great extent, in particular by the United Nations, the European Union and some bilateral partners/members like Belgium, South Africa (2). The elections, first the constitutional referendum in December 2005, and then presidential and general, in double turn, were celebrated in several calm days, amid a festive atmosphere which will be recalled for many years in Congo.

Joseph Kabila was elected as president and obtained the legitimacy which he did not have before. It seemed that the history could change and Congo was moving towards democracy and stability finally, with the support of one of the biggest peace UN mission in the world. It is made up of 19.000 people, counting on citizens and soldiers. For a time, they entrusted not to make statistics real which state that half of modern wars in Africa started again in the following decade, usually because the post-war regimes were not able to manage again the problems which had caused the aforementioned struggles (3).

But last events apparently indicate that history does not change in Congo and statistics happened again. The movement of General Nkunda, which had already been planned since years and worsened last month (November), had finished at a stroke with all hope, at least in the province of North Kivu, where it is estimated that 250.000 people had fled and others have stayed there at the mercy of humanitarian aid.

Nowadays, according to journalists and humanitarian workers who are in the zone, the situation is absolutely catastrophic. The guerrilla of Nkunda is placed in a few kilometres far from Goma, capital of the province. The army of DRC not only proved to be unable to defend population but also has been accused of beginning a wave of violence against citizens, including populations’ lootings and women rapes (4). UN peace forces are totally overcome by the situation.

Without going so far, the Spanish General, Vicente Días de Villegas, in charge of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (UNMDRC), resigned from his charge last 27th October for “not having enough means to face up the clear deterioration of the situation occurred in the east DRC”. In the same way, according to BBC news, a commander of UN peace forces, the general Bipin Rawat, declared that his troops were not able to face the situation because as they are peace forces, cannot confront rebels, having to make verbal warnings and dissuasive shoots before intervening (5).

The most tragic point is that the situation recalls the one faced by the UN peace-keeping forces in Rwanda in 1994. These forces were powerless facing the genocide perpetrated. The commander in chief at that time, the Canadian Romeo Dallarie, had written in his memories about those cruel days and his inability to avoid the slaughter (6).

Meanwhile these days the UN thinks about sending 30.000 peace-keeping forces to Congo, a proposal made by France which will be voted in the Security Council next week. The special correspondent of USA in the zone, the former Nigerian president Olusegum Obasanjo, is trying to get a cease fire between the parts. For this reason he met with the rebel leader and some presidents of the governments in the area. His target is to avoid another risk of war: that the conflict will be international, affecting other countries; apart from the problem with refugees.

The possibility does not seem remote, due to past events and because since mid-November, George Chikoti, the vice Minister of Foreign Affairs in Angola, confirmed that his country will send troops to Congo. Although he has not informed about quantity or under which command they will operate, it is speculated about the fact they could join the peace force which in theory the Community will send: the Southern African Development Community (SADC). If this operation would be carried out, it could be an excuse for Rwanda to operate, as it had been done during the Great Congo War, with the pretext of stopping rebel Hutus. In fact, although General Laurent Nkunda had always denied to receive military or financial support of Rwanda, and had assured that his group was financed “with members’ contributions” (7), the point is that since many years Kigali supports Congolese Tutsis economically and also military.

On the other hand, Western governments keep on appealing for peace, while they decide how to face the situation. In this situation, a large number and very different factors intervene: economic interests in the region due to their great natural resources such as colthan, essential for mobile phones fabrication and computers. Also, the fact of feeling guilty for what happened in Rwanda, which forces the International Community to participate before the revenge will take place. Finally, great powers geopolitical fights, which are happening in the black continent (8).

Aurora Moreno
Journalist

References

(1) Guerrillas in the Congo’s Midst: What is general Nkunda up to? Greg Mills. Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, at: http://www.rusi.org/research/studies/africa/commentary/ref:C490DF0DF45B68/
(2) The United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Searching for the missing peace. Xavier Zeebroek. Working paper nº 66. July 2008. FIRED, (Foundation for the International Relations and External Dialogue.)
(3) Africa’s unmended heart. 9 June 2005. The Economist.
(4) UN accuses DRC army of looting. 11 November 2008. Mail & Guardian
(5) Congo armed forces chief sacked. 18 November 2008. BBC News.
(6) DALLAIRE, Romeo, Shake hands with the Devil: The failure of Humanity in Ruanda. Capo Press, 2004.
(7) “As president or general, I´m prepared for governing the country.” Interview to the General Lauren Knunda. Gemma Parellada, El País, 13rd November 2008.
(8) Since 90’s decade, USA, moved by their fight against terrorism, was formed an alliance with Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, in an effort of fighting against the extremist regim of Sudan, which supported Mobutu. He also relied on France´s approval.

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